reconceptualizing the project structure

After working on extracting events that describe cases of mobility, financing, persecution and apocalyptic thinking from the sources, it now becomes possible to reconceptualize the presentation structure.

1. Introduction
2. Event Data Set Presentation
3. Planned Dimension I: Mobility
4. Planned Dimension II: Economy
5. Planned Dimension III: Urbanization
6. Discovered Dimension IV: Social Trust
7. Mediterranean Model Hunting
8. Application: The Mormon War of 1838
9. Evaluation & Conclusion

Notice that social trust was a dimension whose importance was only discovered in the analysis of the three planned dimensions of mobility, economy and urbanization. But it becomes a key component of understanding the alienation felt between the LDS and the gentile communities, which finds expression and reinforcement in repeated evictions.

The Vengeance of Clio

Clio is a pretty nasty one, she likes to trip up people who project their current interpretations into the past and treat them as an unchanging status.

Case in point: Mormon attitudes on coffee and tea.

Joseph Smith Jr had a revelation in 1833, informally known as the Word of Wisdom, or technically known as D&C 89, which states

(v9) And again, hot drinks are not for the body or belly.

Fair enough as that goes; however that revelation is not very specific. So we need, unsurprisingly, a community of interpretation, that knows that "hot drink" here means coffee and tea, but not hot chocolate, or soup in a mug. We have such a community in the Mormon FAQ site for bodily health, this is specifically interpreted to mean "tea and coffee", as indicated by some of the comments.

For example, Molly writes:

God gave us the ability to choose. There are substances in coffee, tea, alcohol, tobacco and other harmful drugs that limit our ability to choose. The intent of the law of health we follow is to preserve our ability to make good choices. ...

Similarly, Ben writes:

Three years after the church was organized (1833), God gave a law of health to Joseph Smith (the first president of the church) that discouraged the use of tobacco, alcohol, coffee and tea. Those who observe this code of healthy eating (called "the word of wisdom") are promised to have better physical and mental abilities, and an improved ability to connect with God. 

Today, the adverse effects of alcohol and tobacco on health are well-known. This was not the case when mormons first began observing the word of wisdom. Whether tea and coffee are bad for one's health is similarly unknown. Like mormons in the 19th century, we observe the word of wisdom as a matter of faith rather than science. 

A few other points:
- the word of wisdom is not just about not eating certain things, it's more about taking care of your body
- some members abstain from caffeine, while others do not---it's an individual decision
- herbal teas are generally considered to be ok

The fact of the matter with herbal teas is interesting, because herbal teas are clearly a "hot drink"; the problem is that the remainder of D&C 89 explicitly talks about the proper use of herbs as medicinals, arguing strongly that herbal tea should be fine.

Which brings us to the remaining issue, that however much strength the current participants of mormon.org draw from this interpretation, this was not as interesting to the wives of Brigham Young back in 1849.

In a letter to Marinda Hyde at Kanesville from April 8th, 1849, Louisa Beaman Young writes (in the expressive spelling of the time):

sister p mentioned in her letter she drank a cup of tea occasionally for me I am quite glad she does for it is verry seldom that I get the chance to drink a cup for myself, tea and, coffee, and shugar is verry scarse with us ... (in: Todd Compton, In Sacred Loneliness, p.66)

Clearly some of this tea was herbal; Louisa Beaman Young made ginger tea for Zina Huntington Young on June 28th, 1849 (Compton, p.68). The tea that Joseph Smith Jr made for the Huntingtons in the early days of Nauvoo, when his adopted daughter Julia was taking care of the family, most likely was herbal as well (Compton, p.78).

But we have evidence from the great exodus to Utah that coffee was part of the trip, as Todd Compton's summary of Zina's personal journal indicates.

Zina [Huntington Jacobs, later Young, RCK] remembers that it was so cold that night [after the birth of Henry Chariton, RCK] that in the morning the cattle's feet had to be chopped out of the frozen mud. Mother Lyman prepared coffee and a biscuit for Zina and the journey continued. (Compton, p.87)

Routes of English Mormons in 1841

In the context of his discussion of Mormonism, Clark in his Gleanings reports a letter by John Hall, Rector of St Peter, in Ashtubla, Ohio, on the origin of Mormonism around Kirtland, Ohio, that gives an indication of the travel routes of newly arrived Mormon converts from England (pp.317-318).

John Hall in his letter dated June 5th, 1841, notes

It is indeed astonishing that so low an imposture should ever have been countenanced at all; much more so that hundreds of English converts should recently have come over to it, and that four hundred more should now be daily expected to take shipping at Buffalo, in order to pass up our Lakes to join the Western Mormons ! (p.318)

Literature

• Rev. John A. Clark, D.D., Gleanings by the Way, Philadelphia (Simon) -- New York (Carter), 1842.

Clark's Gleanings from 1842 (Part II)

A Summer Tour of the Great Western Valley (1837) -- Part II

Chapter IX -- Further Views on the Mississippi

By Friday July 7th, 1837, the steamboat had passed the Des Moines River and found itself, on the Western side of the Mississippi, adjacent to the "Wisconsin Territory, or more commonly here, the Iowa country" (p.105). Clark estimated that in a time frame of four years, thirty to forty thousand new settlers had moved into this territory. Clark cites Burlington, where the stopped, that had taken two years to grow from "only a few log-cabins" (p.105) to "more than twelve hundred inhabitants" (p.105). Clark praises the Methodists for being the "first on the ground" for preaching salvation here (p.105), then laments that his own denomination has "not a clergyman in this whole region" (p.105). 

When the steamboat in "all its clattering machinery swept proudly by" (p.106) "two rude bark covered wigwams that had just been put up on the very margin of the stream" (p.106), Clark comments on the natives but also wonders whether their fire "had been kindled ... to keep off the musquitos [sic!] or to cook their evening meal" (p.106). 

However, Clark was not concerned by their discharge from their ancestral lands, but by their salvation:

While I continued to look at them, and saw them standing amid the solitariness of the prairie, with their eyes still fixed upon the opposite bank of the river, where rested the | bones of their ancestors—when I saw how dignified, and serious, and contemplative they seemed, I could not but regard them as the last representatives of a race fast fading away, and who will soon scarcely have a place or name this side of the RockyMountains. It seemed to me that they were standing at this twilight hour looking once more upon the shore where rested the bones of their people, before they bade a final adieu to these scenes where they used once to hunt the deer, glide over the watery surface with their bark canoes, raise the luxuriant corn, and build their wigwams. Strangers now possessed their home, and they were just bidding to the scenes of their chil[d]hood a long, long farewell! Oh, thought I, that they could have the gospel to tame their fierceness, soften their savage natures, and cheer them in their solitary wanderings through the wilderness! (pp.106-107)

Saturday July 8th, 1837, found the travelers in Stevenson, where "Rock River enters the Mississippi, separating the town from Rock Island, on which stands Fort Armstrong" (p.107); the location where the Black Hawk war arose (p.108), and Clark feels unable to blame the Indians for giving "up this tract of country with reluctance"; as the "eye never looked out upon a more beautiful land" (p.108). But with the close of the day, the mighty Mississippi was left behind, and the steam boat "pushed its way up the serpentine course of Fevre River" (p.108). The boat arrived at Galena "for a number of days" of rest (p.108).

Clark resumes his diary on July 15th, 1837, a Saturday. The town is prone to flooding by the Mississippi, which actually occurred during Clark's visit for the third time that year (p.109). Clark notes that freshets occur in geographical order running southward to the north. Clark knows that this is due to the elevation of the sources, but attributes the overall pattern to the benevolence of the Creator and sees a cautionary tale for the humans.

Let the Red River, the Arkansas, and the Missouri, pour their swollen streams at the time of their annual freshets, together into the Mississippi, and the whole lower regions for hundreds of miles above and around New Orleans would be one unbroken sea. What a tremendous armament of destruction has the Almighty here! Have not the inhabitants of that city [i.e. New Orleans, RCK] which has seated herself as a queen at the mouth of this river, reason to remember that the Lord can bury them in a moment in the midst of the sea?(p.109)

The pioneer town of Galena (p.110) with its muddy streets, cramped and poor housing, and general unattractiveness is unpleasant to Clark. The justification of the town is in fact its role as the port of embarkment for the lead mined in the region. Its morals are questionable.

Like many of these western towns, till recently, there has been scarcely the semblance of a Sabbath here. Drinking, duelling, and gambling, have all been common. (p.110)

Clark was lucky to catch the Bishop of Illinois officiating on his first Sunday at Galena [July 9th, 1837, RCK], who castigated "duelling, Sabbath-breaking, and profane swearing" in his sermon, and Clark was optimistic about the effects:

I believe his counsel was very kindly received. There is a great deal of intelligence among the residents in this place, and they seem willing to have the truth preached to them plainly. (p.110)

The main attraction of Galena is the graveyard, and enclosed spot on the prairie half a mile outside of town (p.110). Due to the lack of stone for statues (p.110), the graves are decorated by little white painted fences (p.111) and wild roses. Clark visited the grave of [his older, RCK] sister who had rested there for then fifteen years [putting their death at around 1822, RCK], an emotional moment.

I then felt and wept like a child. Why should I not have done so? I was standing on the grave of the sister of my childhood, whose existence and mine for many years had run along together as though our being had been woven in the same web. I remembered how when I was but a very little child, she led me to the country school---how we wandered together in playful glee on the green bank of the Housatonic, and her hand gathered for me the wild flowers that grew there. (p.111)

Clark looked to his older sister (p.112) when his own mother died.

But where was she [the older sister, RCK]? She no more came, bounding along with sparkling eyes, and flowing locks, and animated features at the call of her brother. There she lay sleeping, oh how silently, how profoundly in the grave. (p.112)

 Clark shared this moment with his brother in law.

No mortal was present to witness or intermeddle with the feelings or overflowings of my heart, save him who recognised in this heaped hillock of earth the resting place of the loved one of his heart---the wife of his youth---the mother of his children. Together we bowed down there in silent grief! (p.112)

And here Clark may let the reader in on the justification of this long voyage.

Our hearts were so full that we [i.e. Clark and his brother in law, RCK] could do nothing but mingle our tears together over that sacred spot, which I would again travel all the way from the Atlantic to the Mississippi to look upon! (p.112)

The only consolation Clark could find was in the firm knowledge of his sister's resurrection

I said "My sister shall rise again." "The Lord Jesus will bring her with him." This is his promise. (p.112)

A souvenir flower from her grave, now wilted, lead Clark to speculate (p.112) on the "glorious body which Christ will give to that dear mouldered form" (p.113) which "will never fade, but bloom on in immortal youth, through the unending ages of eternity." (p.113)

Chapter X --- Illinois and the Lakes

Continuing in the context of his July 15th, 1837, entry (p.114), Clark spent a day of his time visiting mining sites in Wisconsin and around Galena as well as smelting furnaces---a visitation that involved riding through the prairie a lot (p.114). The mine Clark and company descended into had been dug to a depth of 100 feet (p.114) and spent about a day under ground (p.115) at 50 feet of depth, watching the miners knock out the lead from the fissures in the rock. 

Clark also reports the negotiation of an Indian treaty at St. Peters, which had the additional attraction of the St. Anthony's Falls, but he ran out of time to join another party to steam up to see "this gathering of the wild men" (p.115).

The next diary entry, Wednesday July 19th, 1837, is mislabeled as "June" in the manuscript (p.115). Clark and his companions crossed the Fevre river and hitched a ride with an open lumber wagon using their trunks for seats, and feeling quite pioneer-like doing so (p.115). The discomfort of the journey compared favorably to the discomfort (p.115) that Bishop Kemper (p.116) had told Clark about.

[Bishop Kemper] ... was overtaken by rain which continued a day or two : the streams became swollen, and the roads, often for miles, completely overflown. All this time he was obliged to ride in an open wagon, the bottom boards of which were loose, and often slipping out, rendering it necessary for him every now and then to get out, and stand in the mud and water, till the rickety wagon could be again brought into a state of temporary order. (p.116)

Clark passed beautiful groves of trees---Buffalo, Inlet and Paw Paw---which were famous battle scenes from the Black Hawk war (p.116). Clark discusses both the beauty (p.117) and the rich fauna of the prairie, where acquaintances of his have found 40 or even 120 different types of flowers on a single outing. Cattle grazing (p.117) on the prairies of Illinois (p.118) was esp. "large, and fat, and noble-looking" (p.118).

Those parts of Illinois were then only sparsely settled; Clark gave the story of how a stop to change horses allowed him to sit in the only house in the place, a comfortable log-cabin. Striking up a conversation with the land lady, he learned that their material wealth had come at the price of isolation: neither school for the children for many years nor Sunday service for many months. One of the ministers that had come at least every three weeks (p.118) had died and no replacement had been found (p.119).

But the problems were not restricted to spiritual welfare.

[The land lady continued: RCK] What made me more contented to reside here, was that my oldest daughter was married and lived my nearest neighbour, about two miles from this. She had three lovely and promising children, in whom all our hearts were bound up. But the grave now covers them! They were all cut down one after another about six months ago by the scarlet fever. We couldn't get any physician to see them, and they all died within ten days of each other. And then we had to carry them ourselves to the grave. We put them into the ground in silence. There was no one to lift up the voice of prayer. (p.119)

Her daughter did not survive the next confinement (p.119) and was buried three days before Clark's arrival. Within thirty miles no physician had been available, and no minister could sit with the dying. No good farm and crops could console the son-in-law over the loss of his wife and children.

This incident led Clark to remonstrate with his fellow East Coasters:

How unspeakable are our religious privileges! And yet how little are they appreciated by the great mass of the people! (p.120)

 [RCK: Interestingly, Clark says little about the medicinal privileges.]

Clark injects some levity into the narrative by dwelling on some of the more amusing incidents of the travel (p.120).

We found all along at our log inns, for our refreshment, substantial food, bacon and beans, or fried pork and potatoes, and if we were too dyspeptic to eat these, we could fast, which is sometimes useful. But at night we frequently found ourselves placed under more embarrassing circumstances. (p.120)

The party was crossing a creek and approaching a log cabin, with a welcoming fire in front (p.120) whose smoke was "expel[ling] the swarms of musquitoes that for several hours had been making acquaintance with us" (p.121).

They have here what is playfully called " The Potter's field" a place in these log taverns in which they put strangers—a room designed as a dormitory, in which all travellers, men, women and children are placed to lodge ! The house which we had reached at Somonauk Creek had a place of this sort. It was the only room in the house save the kitchen. Two stage loads had already arrived, and other travellers were coming in. (p.121)

Clark and his friend B---- worried about their beds early and managed to secure "a comfortable corner with a straw bed on which to stretch ourselves" (p.121)

Fortunately, there was one bed enshrouded with curtains, which was assigned to a gentleman from Vermont and his newly married bride, whom he was bringing to reside at the west. (p.121)

Eventually the land lord packed fourteen people into that room, and required running the smoke through to keep the mosquitos at bay (p.121). But Clark took it all in good stride, reflecting on how the Saviour "had not always so comfortable a spot at night to lay his head as this [strawbed]" (p.122).

Clark was impressed with Chicago, giving it the ultimate compliment:

It has quite the air of an eastern town. (p.122)

Clark had little time to spend there, though; their arrival coincided with the "ringing of the bell [--- a departure signal---, RCK] of the large and beautiful steamboat, James Madison, which was on the eve of departure for Detroit and Buffalo" (p.122). The travel party was eager to be done with the overland travel, not intent on waiting another 10 days for the following steamer, and thus were "skimming over the waves of Michigan lake" (p.123) that very evening.

As Clark noted on July 20th, 1837, the party arrived at Milwaukie at 9 am in the morning; a riverbar blocked the way, so they had to disembark and walk into town (p.123). When Clark arrived, about three thousand people were living there in well-built houses.

By evening they had arrived on Mackinaw (p.123), an island of nine miles circumference (p.124). The fort in the town was vacated due to the treaty signing at St. Peter's [mentioned above (p.115), RCK]. The dissatisfaction of the Indians with the treaty conditions was then generating unease in the mind of the populace, as the Indians were suggesting that they could "bring a thousand warriors into the field" (p.124) if they would receive "goods in part for their annuities, when money had been promised" (p.124). Clark had occasion to admire the lodges and the canoes of the Ottawa and Chippewa tribes.

In this canoe, made of the outer rind of the birchen tree, they carry their family, and furniture, and all their worldly effects—children, dogs, fishing-tackle, guns, their tent, cooking utensils, and themselves. (p.124)

Clark's party was permitted to enter several tents and was received kindly (p.125).

Another encounter on Mackinaw was the Bishop McCoskry of Michigan (p.125). His trip was taking him to "Green Bay, Milwaukie, and other parts of Wisconsin" (p.125). The several "hours in the most delightful Christian intercourse" were quickly past:

It was only a few hours, before our steamers were again moving forward through the deep green waters, to their several places of destination. (p.125)

Chapter XI --- Michigan

Clark and his party continued their steamer trips in a southward direction (p.126). Clark compared the lakes to "great inland seas. The wind and the storm have mighty power over them ..." (p.126). The winds can push even steam vessels fifty, even ninety miles off-course (p.126). Since the harbors stop being a safe spot at that point, "the expedient adopted is to keep the boat at sea, and let her drive before the gale" (p.127). After leaving Mackinaw and passing Saginaw Bay, they lost sight of land. That evening they experienced a storm on Lake Huron.

As I stood upon the upper deck, and looked out upon that scene of darkness and wild commotion, and heard the roar of the wind, and the dashing of the waves, and the hoarse rumbling breath of steam from the escape- | ment pipe, like the suppressed growl of a lion, that told of mighty power to urge onward and to destroy, I felt, in a way I have seldom done before, my entire dependence on God. (pp.127-128)

Clark slept soundly that night, assured in the testimonies of the covenant with God (p.128). By next morning, the storm had passed. They passed St. Clair and reached Detroit before the evening.

Clark was impressed with Detroit (p.128) and its surroundings, mentioning Jefferson Avenue (p.129) and two Episcopal churches (p.129). In Detroit, Clark met the Rev. Mr. R----, who had come to "supply the pulpit of St. Paul's during the first Sunday of the Bishop's absence" (p.129), since the bishop felt that each bishop should have its own parochial charge. Bishop McCoskry (p.130) was hugely popular in his parish and in his diocese. During his trip (p.131) McCoskry was planning to hold continuous service for several days in each parish, and Clark was expecting significant benefits from that strategy.

The people are not opposed to an Episcopal form of government—they are not opposed to our liturgy—they are not opposed to our doctrines—but they are opposed to a dead church. (p.131)

On Tuesday, July 25th, 1837, the Rev Mr. R---- offered to take Clark to Ypsilanti, his own parish, with his own carriage and show him "several points I wished to visit in the interior of the state" (p.131). The ruts in the street and the logs preserving the road are vividly recalled:

The road for the first twenty miles towards Ypsilanti gave us a fine specimen of the toil and tardiness of travelling in a new country. At one time the formidable slough received us into its cavernous depths, and as we went down, vehicle and horses and all, seemed to threaten to swallow us up in its miry embrace. Then, as we rose from this perilous depth, our carriage went bounding from log to log which lay side by side transversely across our path, deeply embedded in mud, constituting what is expressively called a corduroy road. These were almost the only alternations in our path for the first twenty miles. (p.132)

The last ten miles to Ypsilanti had better roads (p.133), and the town of two thousand next to the Huron river delighted Clark.

On July 26th, 1837, the party started from Ypsilanti toward Ann Arbour, another town on the Huron river with nearly three thousand inhabitants (p.133). Adjacent to the Episcopal Church, a wealthy donor from Monroe purchased an acre of land at $1000 for the "neat and commodious dwelling ... of the rector" (p.133), assuming that the donation of a house (p.133) would bring the support of the parish as a consequence (p.134). Clark uses this as an opportunity to provide an exhortation for the rich to be more forthcoming with their thousands of dollars for the benefits of "the least of these my ministers", as Clark put the phrase into Jesus' mouth on Judgement Day.

Would to God that many professors of religion, who have already wealth enough to ruin all their children, and are still holding back their pecuniary means and hoarding them up, refusing to consecrate any part of them to Christ, would think seriously of this, would meditate frequently on the scenes of that day. (p.134)

Traveling from Ann Arbour to Ore Creek (p.134), the party reached North Green Oak but night was falling, and the end of that leg of the journey was four miles to go.

As it would be dark before our arrival, and the road was rough, and it was uncertain whether we could all be accommodated for the night at the place to which I was directing my course, it was decided as a matter of prudence, that Mr. and Mrs. R-----, who had kindly accompanied me in their carriage, should remain at the log inn which we had already reached, and whose quaint sign was "Call and C," while the driver, mounting one horse, and myself the other, should go on to find the house of my friend. (p.134)

The procurement of a saddle took some time (p.135). They then road until the found a house at the border of a lake, but the friends house was two miles on, on the other side of the lake (p.135), and only women and children lived there (p.136), so no one could guide them. The falling darkness made it necessary to eventually find the track on their hands and knees to make progress (p.136). But even this track became questionable when it forked.

It now became a grave question which path we were to take. We were far away from any human habitation; it was doubtful whether we could retrace our steps, even if we attempted to return; the night was dark, sultry, and hot, the deep forest was around us, the musquitoes [sic!] were biting us most unmercifully, and we had not provided ourselves with the means of striking a light to kindle a fire. (p.136)

Shouting for someone to come and help failed (p.137). So they decided to track one branch until they lost evidence of a wheel track. Eventually they came upon the "glimmering of a taper [i.e. a thing candle, RCK]" (p.137) as a sign of human habitation. Clark is reminded of a Cowper stanza upon the feeling of relief. The log cottage proved to be the very house they had been seeking (p.138), owned by the friend and his family---between ten and a dozen altogether---whom Clark had last seen "in an elegant three-story house, in East Broadway, in New York" (p.138). A better abode was in construction than the "single room below and a sort of garret above" (p.138), but it had not been completed.

The next morning they first retraced their steps to pick up the Rev R-----s, and then proceeded to the village of Pontiac, Michigan.

On Friday, July 28th, 1837, the traveling party stopped at Troy to visit the Rev. Mr. H------- (p.139).

Chapter II -- Tour from the West

By Monday, July 31st, 1837,  Clark was writing from Detroit (p.140). His first order of business is to relish in the lack of an impression that the Romanists have been making on the Protestant population. Clark reports a story of a profaning of the consecrated host (p.141), that just ten years previously would have sounded believable (p.140) but now would have been hooted in Detroit (p.141). 

"It would be utter ruin of their prospects," said my information,  "for a bishop or a Roman Catholic priest to make such an assertion at the present time. There is too much light now, even among the papists, to listen to such a ridiculous story [of a bleeding consecrated host] for a moment." (p.141)

Clark then turns to the problem of converting the Indians, who see the vices and take them to be expressions of the Christian religion (p.141), yea, the Bible (p.142). Clark was especially concerned about the effect of the vice of intemperance upon the Indians, bemoaning their loss of "all the natural and noble traits of their character" (p.142). 

What formidable barriers do the vices that still remain incorporated with Christian communities present, to hinder the progress and extension of the Redeemer's kingdom! (p.142)

Clark then recounts two miscellaneous incidents, on a meeting with the "popular author of several recent novels" (p.142), a Captain M-----, who was acquainted with Clark's host from a trip to Buffalo. Inappropriately (p.143), Clark felt, Captain M----- was using the Sabbath to make his return calls, instead of attending a public worship meeting.

With a friend as his guide, and a carriage to convey him, he was proceeding from street to street, carrying with him his long list of names, and a bundle of visiting cards. All this was done, of course, to show that he appreciated the attentions and civilities he had received. (p.143)  

The second incident was the meeting of a former acquaintance who had grown up in comfort and a good home (p.143), which however had turned out to be "covered with mortgages" (p.144), causing the loss of all the property, including the final farm. When the young man's spirit was broken from the setbacks, a habit of moderate drink turned into a vice. Finally (p.145), he signed on as a common sailor, and it was in such a situation---dressed like a sailor and intoxicated---that Clark recognized him in the street. Asking him into his room, Clark was able to discuss his fall and his adventures with him (p.146), and took him to church that evening, for a good measure (p.147).

By August 2nd, 1837, Clark was in Cleveland, having left Detroit on board of the steamboat "United States" toward Toledo (p.147), which was a city of questionable morals in Clark's view of the world. Clark saw an analogy in a light house and the keeper's residency (p.148), setup in a desolate place yet suitable to direct the mariners towards rest.

The progress in time prevented Clark and his party from touring northern Ohio, e.g. Gambier, via either Sandusky City or Huron on their way to Cleveland, as they had originally planned (p.148). Clark was especially curious to visit Kenyon College, which he envisioned as "a most powerful auxiliary to the cause of learning and religion in the west" (p.148).

Cleveland please Clark (p.149); the high table upon which its handsome well built houses are constructed overlooks "the far-stretching and majestic waters of [Lake] Erie" (p.149). Clark estimated the population at eight thousand, and the one of the sister city of Ohio City at two thousand.

By August 3rd, 1837, Clark was writing at Niagara Falls, much impressed with the idea that the water he "had travelled more than a thousand miles" was now falling over the cataracts (p.149). The water's roar was akin to the voice of God for Clark (p.150), and the water's rainbow as the "bow of promise" (p.150) from the Flood story.

Chapter XIII --- Western New York

On August 9th, 1837, Clark was writing from Geneva. Clark had a difficult time leaving the beauty (and physico-theology) of the Niagara Falls behind (p.151) when they departed on Friday, August 4th, 1837, with the railroad (p.152) from the Falls for Lockport. That railroad traces the Niagara river, so that the Falls came into view one more time. The beauty of the scene (p.153) triggered reminiscences of the Lord as Creator.

Who can look on such a scene and not remember its Creator ? What must be the glories which God will reveal to his ransomed and sanctified people in the celestial world, when he allows to linger here amid the defilements and desolations of sin such traces of surpassing beauty and loveliness! (p.153)

The party "took Rochester in our way" and took the stage to Canandaigua, reaching Geneva in the early part of the afternoon (p.153). The village was divided along the northwest corner of Lake Seneca, where the business district lies, and the western bank, where the beautiful parts of town stretched (p.153) rising up to 100 feet above the lake level (p.154).  West and parallel to the lake shore was the old graveyard, where "many, many dear friends" (p.154) of Clark were buried.

Clark then recounts a reminiscence from 1820, when he and a friend walked on a summer evening along the margin of the lake. Returning into the house (p.155), they were joined by three more friends. However, Clark reports, all of them have since died [--over the last nine years, i.e. from 1828 to 1837-- RCK] and Clark is the only survivor.

That group included a child hood friend, whose father had been the parish priest and Clark's religious educator (p.155). The relationship had become frustrating for Clark (p.156) when he took up his personal salvation, but his old friend did not, even though Clark pressed him in writing. It was only one the deathbed in 1821 that his friend, referring to the letters, wished to be saved and find hope in Christ.

The group also included a friend from Clark's studies, who had surmounted great difficulties to become a minister (p.156), and in 1820 on that evening, it was only a year away from ordination (p.157). Alas, he took sick and died "on the very day he was to have been ordained" (p.157).

The group also included Clark's older brother [no, this isn't getting any more cheery anytime soon, RCK], whom Clark considered his spiritual father. He had apparently been a minister:

The cares and toils and anxieties of his spiritual flock were even then wearing away his life. A few years passed by, and my friend—my counsellor—my brother, was borne to that same burial-ground, where his voice had been so often heard, committing " Earth to earth, ashes to ashes, dust to dust." (p.157)

The last member of that party of five in 1820 (p.157) turns out to be Clark's mother (p.158).

On that evening to which I have referred, no one appeared more cheerful or happy? and no circumstance added more enjoyment to that hour than the presence and conversation of my dear and beloved mother. (p.158)

Hardly surprising that Clark felt both blessed and isolated.

Her grave is in the burying ground. Of all that company that sat and talked and looked out on that moonlight scene I only am left. Oh what reason have I to praise the Lord ! What reason to die daily ! (p.158)

Clark then moves on, somewhat abruptly, to discuss Geneva College (p.158-159), whose founder did not see the promising state it had reached by 1837.

Clark ended his journey into the past with a Sunday church service, sitting in his old pew (p.159). But there were so many faces in the congregation he did not recognize that death once again came to his mind.

Where were a hundred others, whose images came up fast before me ? Ah ! the grave, the grave had swallowed them up ! And where too was the pastor whose voice used to echo through this temple ? He too was gone ! (p.159)

The remainder of the service affected Clark deeply (p.160), including memories of his ordination when partaking in the communion.

Additional Sketches

One year after the original journey to the Far West in the Summer of 1837, to visit his sister and his mother's grave, Clark undertook additional trips and wrote up additional sketches, which make up chapters XIV through XVI in his book (p.161).

Chapter XIV --- A Jaunt from Philadelphia to Albany

Clark commences this sketch in Fairfield, N.Y, on September 21st, 1838. He muses about the trouble that one encounters on stages, steamboats, and rail-road cars, in terms of the human condition and woe (p.161).

You cannot enter a steamboat, or walk through the streets of a large town, or mingle at all in the circles of the living, without meeting with something to remind you, and that most painfully, "that man is born to trouble." [emphasis in original, RCK]
(p.161) 

To Clark, this is proof of the correctness of the Biblical story of the Fall of Man (p.162).

Clark took his departure on a "bleak and dreary morning" from Philadelphia, when the "wind blew fiercely, and the waters of the Delaware seemed stirred to the very bottom as we entered the steamboat" (p.162).

Among the great crowd of passengers was the Bishop of Illinois, whom Clark had met on his Summer 1837 trip, near the banks of the Mississippi (p.162). This time the bishop was downtrodden with the worries of his situation.

Being entrusted with the interests of the Church in the vast and powerful state of Illinois, without funds, without a salary adequate to his own support, with only here and there a single labourer to co-operate with him, how can he carry out the designs of his office? (p.162)

The bishop had a clear idea for a solution:

He [i.e. the Bishop of Illinois, RCK] wants a vast increase of missionary men, and pecuniary means to sustain them. (p.163)

Clark feels that such men should be experienced, dedicated folks from the East Coast.

I believe if three or four of our eastern clergy, who have acquired character and standing in the Church, were to go into each of the western dioceses, and there co-operate together, determined to stand by the Church, to sink or swim with it, determined never to leave the ground till the whole western wild should blossom as the rose, this would do more for the cause of religion than any other measures that could be adopted. (p.163)

Clark then returns to the trip proper, which has begun to lose some of its fascination for the experienced traveler.

Our sail [sic!] up the Delaware was characterized with nothing new or unusual. The [railroad, RCK] cars took us on at their usual rate. And in due time we were safely landed at the battery in New York. At five o'clock, P. M., we found ourselves again embarked on board one of the North river steamers. (p.163)

When they left New York, Clark was struck by the bay of New York, "studded with islands and whitened with a hundred sails" (p.163).

Clark then expresses a nationalistic and patriotic sentiment

I was more than ever impressed with an idea which I embraced while in Europe, that, take it all in all, there is no river scenery in the world comparable with that of our own Hudson. (p.164)

While standing on the deck of the steamboat, Clark met an old college acquaintance, Mr. W----- (p.164); they had last seen each other 15 years ago at their alma mater. Mr. W---- had taken his residency in "one of the remote southern states" (p.164) and thus they had lost contact with each other.
Talking through their class with Mr. W----, Clark was again taken to a negative view of the world.

I was astonished to find how many of our class were already numbered with the dead : and how many among the most gifted and talented of our old associates had fallen victims to intemperance. During the fifteen years since we last met, we ourselves had passed through a variety of scenes, and had each tasted of the cup of sorrow. (p.165)

Mr. W----, "[h]imself belonging to a distinguished and wealthy family in Georgia" (p.165), had apparently married into the wealthy family of another college acquaintance, Mr. Y-----, taking his youngest sister Jane (p.165). The couple moved to Georgia (p.166), where Mr W---- was a planter, and had two children, and lacked for nothing except spiritual access.

They were strangers to the transforming power of divine grace. Living remote from any place of divine worship, they seldom visited the house of God, and were becoming each year more indifferent to divine things. (p.166)

Mrs W----- came to thinking about spiritual things watching her old slave servant Peggy die (p.167), returning to the Bible and acquiring a premonition that she would not live herself much longer (p.168). The slaves' Methodist minister provided prayer and instruction (p.169); but Mrs W----- proved right and succumbed to a violent fever, begging her husband on the death bed to look to the salvation of their children.

Though I love you and these dear children above all earthly things, I am willing to leave you all in the hands of God and to depart and be with Christ which is far better. But, dear husband, will you not join me in yonder heaven? Will you not bring these dear, precious ones with you there? (p.169)

[page 170 illegible in scan, RCK]

Clark begins his September 22nd, 1839 entry (p.171), from Fairfield N.Y., with a description of their inn in Albany near Congress Hall. Clark's traveling companion noted a poor homeless mother and child (p.171) walking past their window (p.172).

The travelers had breakfast and then hurried to the grand railroad depot, hasting past the homeless woman, who appeared to be of Irish extraction and reminded Clark of his visit "to that Emerald Isle, over whose green fields I had so recently roamed" (p.172). Imagining a narrative of how she came to be this way (p.173), Clark first discusses attitudes toward the Irish and then alms giving in the broader context (p.173), leading him to an anecdote about an Irish distressed couple visiting his door (p.174).

While residing in New England, on a dull, cold, rainy Saturday afternoon, some five years ago, 1 heard a ring at my door. As the servant did not immediately appear to answer the call, I myself went to the door, where I found two persons in shabby and tattered dress, standing on the steps, with their clothes dripping with rain. (p.174)

Convinced by their turn of phrase that "they had indeed seen better days" (p.174),  Clark asked them inside and learned the story of Mr and Mrs S------, who had come to the Americas only four years ago. Mrs S----- was the "daughter of a clergyman of the Established Church, who was vicar of a parish in Ireland" (p.174) and had been "brought up in great tenderness and highly educated" (p.174). Mrs S----- fell in love with a bricklayer (p.174) and got married in secret (p.175), which disrupted her relationship with her parents and forced them "to embark at once for America" (p.175), arriving at Montreal. After a year, which brought a daughter, they moved to Troy hearing that one of her uncles was supposedly there. Mr S----- worked for a builder that failed, absconding with the outstanding wages. Soon their baby died, and they moved to Boston trying to find relative (p.175). There they were redirected to Philadelphia (p.176) and were now on there way there, to find her uncle. Clark let them stay for a week, while he and his friends "fitted them both out with new apparel, and procured for them the means of travelling [sic!] with comfort to Philadelphia" (p.176). Clark drafted a letter of introduction for the uncle, but when he met the Reverend a few months later, he denied all Irish relatives and them ever coming to visit him (p.176).

Clark then returns to the railroad trip (p.177).

Very little of interests to be seen on the way between Albany and Schenectady across those sandy plains, save the distant tops of the Cattskill [sic!] to the south, and the misty summits of the Green mountains to the north (p.177).

Clark experienced this area as a place of solace.

Here then, I am, far away from the strife of tongues, the agitations of business, and the dust and din of the city. (p.177)

Not only was there nature there, but cottage meetings allowed Clark to "study one's own heart and try to get nearer to heaven" (p.177).

Chapter XVI --- Western New York 

Clark's entry from October 1st of 1839 (p.179), written again at Fairfield, New York, recounts an excursion into the "central part of Western New York" he had made the week prior to the entry. Clark considers that region the "Garden of America" (p.179).

I am sure the traveller [sic!] who passes along the old post-road from Utica to Buffalo, and sees the hundred beautiful villages, the noble forests, ... | ... will exclaim, The Garden of America! And then when he sees all this beautiful region intersected by canals and bound together by turnpikes, railroads, and lake and steam navigation, he will feel that Western New York possesses advantages of a most singular and superior character! (pp.179-180)

Again (p.180) Clark returned to Geneva on Lake Seneca, the place where his mother is buried (p.158), which he regarded "as the gem of Western New York" (p.180). Clark reached Geneva in the evening, spending the night with friends a few miles outside the village proper (p.180).

End of Part II

The next summer tour of Clark's took place in 1840. However, this set of sketches, narrated mostly in letter (p.181), has crossed the time horizon of my current interests. I therefore delay reading this trip, leaving chapters XVII to XXI unanalyzed.

I am more likely to consider Chapters XXII to XXX|||, which concern themselves with early mormonism, at this time.

Literature

• Rev. John A. Clark, D.D., Gleanings by the Way, Philadelphia (Simon) -- New York (Carter), 1842.

Clark's Gleanings from 1842 (Part I)

Introduction

Charles Clark wrote his book Gleanings by the Way (1842) as a Christian exhortation, even though it deals with his musings about Christianity while recuperating from running a large city community by an extended trip in 1837 into the "Far West" (p.v). He did

... seek to recruit his wasted strength and enfeebled heath amid the retirement of rural life, or the diversified scenes of travel and journeying. (p.vi)

After a brief physico-theological reflection on the way nature exposes Providence to those willing to watch and listen (pp.13f), Clark begins his reminiscences by considering three other gleaners, starting with Ruth from the OT (pp.14-19), then going to a young orphaned boy (pp.19-22) who takes care of his blind grandmother with the gleanings he takes from the harvest wagons and threshes at home.

Hence as one loaded wane after another was driven along, the whole road became strewed with stalks and heads of wheat. (p.21)

The third gleaner was a Christian and well-educated man who used his many travels and walks, and indeed all knowledge he acquired---gleaned along the way---for the purposes of bringing more souls to God (p.22).

He traveled; for his health required it. (p.22)

Clark then turns to his travel description, which encompasses the II. to the XIII. Chapter of the book, about the Summer tour through the Great Western Valley of 1837 (p.25), taken from his notebooks.

A Summer Tour of the Great Western Valley (1837)

Chapter II--Views of Pennsylvania

The entry for June 14th, 1837, a Wednesday, was written on the "Canal Packet Swatara", and forms part of the Tour to Harrisburg. 

The train to Harrisburg, PA, left Philadelphia at 6 o'clock in the morning, with an estimated 150 passengers, had one locomotive. The train consisted of the "cars belonging to the three regular lines that run on the Rail Road to Harrisburg" (p.26). Clark enjoyed the fifteen miles an hour speed of the train ride through the country side--akin to a kaleidoscope in the rapid change of colorful scenery. 

At Harrisburg, Clark switched modes of transport and "took the canal" (p.27), along the valley of the Susquehanna, a scenery that reminded Clark of the Hudson valley. Clark and his travel companions sat down to tea in their cabin (p.27), the windows open to enjoy the cool breeze of the evening (p.28). A road accompanied the canal to their right (p.28). They encountered a thunder storm, however, that impressed them, just as they were to cross the Susquehanna (p.28).

The bridge that had been flung over the river to afford a passage for the horses to tow the boat across, had partially fallen down, so that it was no longer capable of use. A strong cable had been fixed across the stream, by means of which a power was applied to our boat, which, in connexion with the force of the current, would bear us rapidly over. (p.28)

By Thursday June 15th, at 4 o'clock in the morning, when the traveling party awoke (p.29), they had reached the Juniata, a tributary of the Susquehanna. Clark was struck by the peaceful stillness, interrupted only by the sounds of travel, i.e. "the sound of the boatman's horn, or the heavy tread of the horse on the tow path" (p.30). They passed Lewistown "early in the forenoon" (p.30), and Huntingdon at nightfall (p.30). Here, Clark had lost a colleague, who was traveling with his family in the summer of 1836 here on an "excursion" (p.31) and died of the sudden onset of a disease (p.31, esp. Fn *).

Chapter III-Glimpses of Western Pennsylvania

By Saturday morning, June 17th, 8 o'clock, they reached Hollidaysburg and switched to the Alleghany Portage Rail Rode, which took them up the mountain (p.32). Here they crossed the watershed between the Atlantic and the Mississippi (p.33).

It was announced at length that we had attained the summit height of the mountain. Just here the rivulets changed their course. (p.33) 

 Taken to ponder the future of the Christian expansion into the West, Clark raises concerns about the compatibility of the independence of the Western mind and the divine revelation (p.35)

I have already seen enough of western character to discover that while mind starts up here vigorous and majestic as the sturdy trees of the forest, it is exceedingly prone to spurn the restraints, and question the authority of divine Revelation. No where probably is there more avowed or evident independence of mind—or with a certain class, greater susceptibility of being gulled, by a swaggering, boastful departure from the ancient landmarks of faith. The great adversary is always ready to persuade men that there is much more manliness and independence in believing something new, however false, than in adhering to what is ancient, however true, in the faith of our forefathers. (p.35)

Clark's party then encounters some Dunkards and is repulsed by their filthy appearance (p.35), and Clark summarizes their doctrine as he has been told (p.35-36).

The journey then proceeds in the evening down the Conemaugh Valley on the Canal Packet Detroit (p.36). Because the summer night was nice, most passengers spent it on deck, either observing the scenery or holding conversations, or strolling around on deck as an observer, as did Clark--until he got sucked into a conversation on Christianity (p.37). It was socially acceptable to sit in and listen, so Clark did (p.37f). Clark was struck by the fact that, during this conversation, an interesting definition of Christian came from a man who had spent most of his time on the packet playing cards (p.38). Nevertheless, Clark felt the discussion "profoundly ignorant", "not only of the real design of the gospel, but also the leading truths which the Bible unfolds"--yet persisted on staying out of the conversation (p.38). Their discussion becomes "sinful" and "profane" in the way it treats Christ's majesty, Clark became dismayed but continued his opportunity to study "human nature" (p.39). The objectionable ideas in conflict with the Gospel continued (p.39-41), however.

Chapter IV -- Pittsburg and its Environs

By Saturday June 17th, about 9 o'clock in the morning (p.42), the packet passed the Alleghany river above the junction with the Kiskiminetas (falls?); it took until 3pm in the afternoon to catch the first glimpses of Pittsburg. The party apparently got off the boat--their is talk of how their "Pittsburgian friends" praise the fine weather. Clark discusses the soot and the dark smoke from the bituminous coal fires (p.42) in the houses and factories (p.43), drawing comparisons to the burning Sodom and the ubiquity of the Egyptian frogs. 

I raised the window in my chamber, and the room was almost instantly filled with smoke. Almost as soon as I reached the church on Sunday [the 18th of June, 1837, RCK] evening, the door and windows being open for the admission of air, I perceived the church was filled with a cloud of smoke. (p.43)

This negative description conflicts with Clark's tact, who goes out of his way to praise the inhabitants, speaking of their "sterling excellencies of character" (p.44) and adding:

I should be very ungrateful if I did not here record the acknowledgement of the many acts of kindness and hospitality that were extended to me during my temporary stay. (p.44)

Clark can even wring a physico-theological proof of the "benevolence and wisdom of the Creator" (p.44) from the smoke, who gave mankind the "capabilities of adapting ourselves to whatever is around us" (p.44).

Clark extended his explorations to include the coal mining hills, but was again bothered despite the Alleghany and Monongahela mountain scenery by the "canopy of darkness" covering the city itself (p.44).

On Sabbath Morning [= Sunday, RCK], June 18th, 1837, the party was still in Pittsburg (p.45; see also p.43). Clark heard the morning church bells, but remained in his room--planning to attend in the afternoon (p.46). Sitting at the window of his room (p.45) he eventually discovered that the children of the neighboring house were the orphans of one of his friends, now living with their Campbellite Baptist grandfather, which is apparently the wrong religion to have and leads Clark to commiserate about the lack of control people have over their children's religious upbringing. Clark somehow succeeds (p.46) in still discovering "that mysterious dispensation of Divine Providence", though he fails to explain the theodicical underpinnings of his argument (p.46).

In the afternoon, Clark attended divine service (p.46; see also p.45) then went to his room "to spend a few hours in preparation for the evening exercises" (p.46). The again opened windows--both for his room and for the back parlour--allowed Clark to watch his host, a Sunday school teacher, give religious instruction to his six daughters. Clark considers this scene heavenly (p.47) while commiserating how few parents "set apart a portion of the sacred day, to be employed in singing and praying with their children" (p.47). This permits him to attribute the "infidelity, and outbreaking sins among the children of Christian professors" to the lack of their parents in this way (p.48).

Chapter V --- Voyage on the Ohio

With the Monday June 19th, 1837 entry, Clark introduces his traveling companions for the first time; Mr B had accompanied Clark since the beginning of the tour, and is described as a "young gentleman of mature intellect, accomplished education, and ardent piety" (p.49). The other companion, a Bostonian merchant and member of the Congregational Church by the name of Mr F, was a travel acquaintance they "fell in with on our way to Pittsburg" (p.49). 

The presence of these delightful companions has taken away much of the solitariness one feels in having a space of so many miles thrown between him and his home. (p.49)

 For Clark, steam boat travel had its decided downsides.

Whoever has travelled on any of the western rivers knows something about the annoyances connected with | western steamboats---the drinking---the swearing---the gambling. (p.49f)

[For gambling, see page 83 below. RCK] The choice of "the Elk" as their boat was forced upon them by expediency "it was the only boat that was going down the river this morning" (p.50). There were issues with this selection.

We soon found out that our boat was not of the first order; our captain however, appears to be one of the most quiet, taciturn and unmoveable men we ever met. (p.50)

[But see the anecdote of the oath-laced chiding of the Elk's men by said captain two days after embarkation, narrated out of sequence on (p.55) RCK]

There could have been other choices in principle; they saw more than forty in the vicinity of "the Elk", and Clark heard an estimate of seven hundred of them moving on the western and south-western rivers at that time.

Pushing off from Pittsburg and leaving the smoke behind was an emotional moment for Clark [possibly the beginning of the wild frontier].

We remembered whither this stream was bearing us---away from our friends---perhaps never to return! (p.50)

But Clark's thoughts reflected not just the present and the future, but also the past.

We thought of the vast territory it [i.e. the Ohio river] watered---its majestic length---the scenes of Indian warfare that had been acted upon its shores and on its surface, long before the axe of the white man had felled a single tree in those vast and unbroken forests that stood upon its banks, and were reflected from its mirrored surface! (p.50)

Clark then comments on the winding course of the river Ohio, which restricts visibility and segments the river into a sequence of lake-like water bodies (p.51).

Thus we see it [i.e. the Ohio river] in distinct sections, each section resembling a beautiful little lake, surrounded by its own sweet and peculiar scenery---shut in by its verdant and variegated banks and wood-covered hills, and ornamented by one or two, and often several little green islets, around which the parted waters wind romantically. (p.51)

Some fifteen miles below Pittsburg, they passed the Harmonist settlement of Economy (p.51). Clark has only contempt for the simpleton character of the German immigrants and the slyness of their leader Rapp.

Rapp professes to be a prophet sent from God, and gifted with the high privilege of holding such constant communication with heaven, as to receive from thence directions how to regulate and govern all their affairs.---He therefore enjoins upon every individual belonging to the community, entire, passive submission, and implicit obedience to his orders. (p.51)

Clark reports about the Harvest Home festival (p.52), and attributes his knowledge to well-informed residents of Pittsburg (p.52).

Later that day they stopped at Steubenville.

I had barely time during the landing of passengers to ascend the hill, and look into one of its principal streets. (p.52)

Clark was especially curious to meet the Reverend Mr. M----, who had left a "silent and powerful influence" during his literary studies at the institution where Clark undertook his preparatory studies. Clark only managed to inquire about him, but found his reputation to be as powerful in Steubenville (p.52) as it had been at the institution (p.53). Clark attributes this to the "simple-hearted piety" which he considers "a mighty moral lever".

"The Elk" reached Wheeling [Virginia, RCK] at sunset, where Clark and his friends had initially hoped to spend the night there then switch to the stage [coach, RCK] as a mode of ingress into the interior of Ohio via Gambier the following morning (p.53). However, heavy rains had made the road so bad that staying on "the Elk" was the better solution.

Clark then expressed a patriotic sentiment.

We felt some pleasure in being permitted to spend an hour or two within the limits of the "old dominion" for it was the first time that either [sic!] of us had trod upon Virginia soil. (p.53)

[Here, "either" is an expression applicable to ternary groups, meaning effectively "anyone of us"; the Bostonian merchant is still present after Cincinnati (p.66), RCK]

On Tuesday, June 20th, 1937, "the Elk" was passing further down the Ohio river, and Clark was delighting in the scenery while sitting "in a sheltered nook in the cabin" (p.53) and "feeling the cool refreshing breeze fanning his fevered brow, and imparting vigour and new elasticity to his enervated frame" (p.53) and felt drawn up "with gratitude to the glorious Framer of this garnished and goodly scene" (p.54). The very size of the landscape became for Clark a metaphor for mind expansion, being "carried out of its [i.e. the mind's] former habits of thought" (p.54), while he waxed fondly over the 2000 miles of "the most rich and fertile lands which stretch away interminably before you" (p.53) once one had reached the Mississippi.

The towns of Marietta, Point Pleasant, VA and Guyandot, VA, as well as Gallipolis and Burlington in Ohio are passed and mentioned as interesting (p.54).

By Wednesday, June 21st, 1837, Clark and party found themselves "lying at the shore of Portsmouth, with the borders of Kentucky on our left" (p.54). They took advantage of the several hour stop to visit the town and have an interview with the Episcopalian minister Rev Mr. S---- of that town, discussing with him the lack of focus on salvation in the western world. [Returning on board, see (p.55), RCK] They also met an acquaintance, the Rev W. J.----- with wife on their way to a new appointment in Louisville.

Moving further downward the Ohio (p.55), the boat stopped to let the captain visit his sick brother in law, owner and former captain of "the Elk" (p.55), while the boat continued down to the next village. Rev W. J.----- and Clark used the delay to clamber a neighborhood hill. When the signal for the steam boat's departure was sounded (p.55) [possibly by a bell, see (p.61)], they returned on board and noticed a black velvet covered coffin. Rather than going downstream, the boat returned to the house of brother in law, to wait until the funerary rites had been performed. Remonstrations were in vain (p.55), so Clark decided to be a spectator to this "funeral among the yeomanry of Kentucky" (p.56).

Clark described how the coffin is carried to the house, followed by the majority of the passengers [who apparently decided to see the funeral too]. Clark noted the large number of horses with ladies' riding saddles, an impression that was confirmed once he saw the large number of "fair daughters of Kentucky" with little riding whips. In the "rotund and rubicund faces among the men" (p.56), Clark mainly spotted intemperance. The house (p.57) in which the dead was lying "consisted principally of one long large room" (p.57). The coffin had a divided lid, allowing the head-part to stay open for the farewells. Clark was impressed with the emotions displayed by the pioneers.

At that moment many hardy, sun-burnt, iron-looking faces put on all the expression of deep and overwhelming emotion. Tears ran down cheeks that one would have thought had never been wet with such tender drops before. Even our imperturbable captain, ... almost a perfect impersonation of apathy, wept and sobbed aloud. (p.57)

After a short presentation in the "open piazza" in front of the house, the family took their final farewells, though the strong display of emotions of the widow was too much for Clark.

I felt obliged to turn away, for I could not endure the sight of her [i.e. the widow's] wild and frantic manner as she clasped and kissed again and again | the cold clay of her husband! (pp.57f).

After shearing some locks for keeping off the head, the coffin was closed and preparations made to bury it (p.58). Clark, who had been waiting for the religious service, inquired and learned that no minister was present close by. After a brief discussion, Clark's friend Mr. B---- talked with the captain about Clark being present and willing to "engage in some religious exercises" (p.58), but the captain replied, "I don't know whether it is worth while."

Clark describes the funerary train (pp.58f), which brought the coffin (p.59) through a ravine, over a brook, up the opposite bank, and into a corn field where an open grave was already waiting (p.59).
During the walk up from the brook, the captain apologized almost jovially in person to Clark about the delayed journey, justifying it with the attachment of the hands [i.e. the crew, RCK] to the deceased ship owner (p.59). Clark accepted the argument and reminded the captain that he and his hands could soon find themselves in the same situation (p.59f), which prompted the captain to request "that you should give us a short exhortation at the grave" (p.60).

Clark did as requested.

... I lifted up my voice for my Master, and spoke of them of sin, and death, and Christ and salvation. As I looked over the silent listening throng, I remembered that I had never met one of them before, and probably should never meet one of them again till we stood together at the judgement bar. (p.60)

Clark was unclear whether his reminders of the judgement day were received well.

Whether on that hill-side, with the Ohio rolling at our feet, and the blue heavens stretching over our heads, any good was done when we laid the dead steamboat captain in his grave, the developements [sic!] of the great day must show! In my heart I thanked the Lord for this opportunity of going out into the highways and hedges to try to compel them to come in. (p.60)

Now that the funeral was taken care of, the interests in moving on of all concerned were evident.

As soon as the grave was closed up, the bell from our boat reminded us that we must be on our way. (p.61)

Clark and Mr. B followed up with the captain, impressing personal religion on him and conversing with him about such matters. The captain requested a blessing at tea time and treated them "with every indication of respectfulness and attachment" henceforth (p.61).

They reached Cincinnati Thursday, June 22nd, 1837, in the morning (p.61; see also p.62).

Chapter VI --- A Glimpse of Kentucky

After having disembarked from "the Elk" in Cincinnati, the travelers visited and liked Christ Church and St Paul's Church. (p.62). Clark compared Cincinnati favorably to Philadelphia. They also visited the Roman Catholic cathedral, whose exterior was impressive, but in general (p.63) Clark was glad to see that "popery" was "making little or no advances, except with the increase of foreign population" in Kentucky (p.63). 

Clark enjoyed the informative company of Rev J.T.B. of Christ Church during the stay (p.63), whom he considered exemplary. Their discussion of the missionary work in the West left Clark with the impression that one "needed only a band of well-trained, devoted, godly men, to plant the Episcopal Church every where through the whole length and breadth of this vast valley [of the Ohio River, RCK] (p.63). Clark understood the work of the Episcopalian Church to be foundational at that point in time (p.64).

In almost all places, before any thing can be done a church has to be built. I had no conception till I entered this great valley of the difficulty of finding a place in which to assemble the people for public worship. (p.64)

Thus, such a minister need to both able to lead the community to build a church and to get them to come on Sabbath (p.64).

On that afternoon [i.e. Thursday, June 22nd, 1837] the travelers "rode out to Walnut Hills to visit Lane Seminary, and pay our respects to Dr Beecher" (p.64) and the charming "Miss Catharine | E. Beecher" (p.65), a gifted writer. They talked of "the present state of the Presbyterian Church, and of the best mode of diffusing light among the Roman Catholics" (p.65).  Choosing a different return path, the party saw the Queen of the West from a hilltop, like seeing Jerusalem from Mount Olivet, giving Clark ample opportunity to commiserate the "abundant evidences of great wickedness" (p.65) in Cincinnati, esp. with respect to temperance.

In the evening (p.66), the travelers visited Rev Dr Aydelott, the former rector of Christ Church and then president of Woodward College, "an institution in Cincinnati, endowed by the munificence of a single individual" (p.66). Clark was optimistic about the aide that education would provide to help raise the western minds from darkness and degradation.

On Friday the 23rd of June, 1837, the party left Cincinnati on board the steamboat Commerce (p.66). Upon reaching "the great Miami", and overlooking the tri-state area---Ohio, Indiana and Kentucky---. Here the three men met an old farmer, who worked his land without slaves, a "fine specimen of plain, honest, fearless Kentucky character" (p.66), who was immediately willing to profess his support for Christ.

By Saturday the 24th of June, 1837, they found their steamboat lying on the shores of Louisville (p.67). Since the heat was now oppressive, the cabin became confining (p.67). Clark heard 25,000 inhabitants for Louisville and 35,000 for Cincinnati, in terms of population. They stayed at the highly recommended Galt house but found it underwhelming. During their multi-day stay, several side excursions were planned. The trip to Lexington was somewhat disappointingly "providentially prevented" (p.67); so short excursions into the country side took its place. While the landscape and the agricultural land was praised, there were problems.

But I saw a dark cloud hanging over this beautiful state ! Almost all its inhabitants see it, and lament it, and hope that it may one day be rolled away ! Through the politeness of a friend I was afforded an opportunity of visiting several large plantations cultivated by slaves. (p.67)

Clark reports kindness (p.68) in the treatment of the slaves, and contentedness on some of the plantations. Clark then tells of dinner with a gentleman and the stroll through the plantation afterwards, during which he was permitted to look into the shantees and talk with the slaves, while the master went ahead (p.68). The woman he talked to claimed to be unhappy only due to her sins, but not due to her treatment by the owner and his family (p.68). Inquiring later of the owner (p.69) about the parents of some of the children he had seen (p.68), the owner replied that not all the parents were married:

[The host said:] "The woman with whom you were conversing is the mother of four children, and has never been married ? Her conscience is not easy." (p.69).

The host claimed to this being a common occurrence that the owners cannot prevent.

Clark was also uncomfortable with the lack of religious instruction that the slaves received (p.69), and that their owner could block their access to any public worship.

But this is an unwelcome theme and I pass on. (p.69)

After praising the traits of the Kentuckian in terms of independence (p.69) and love for public rhetoric (p.70), Clark bemoans that "there is much infidelity prevailing in this state" (p.70). Fortunately, his acquaintance Rev. Mr. J----- had "commenced his labours with great acceptableness" (p.70). Clark also relates how a Kentuckian on the steamboat (p.71) had told him about the early days of settlement in Kentucky, which formed a kind of border between northern and southern Indians, and thus was hotly contested ground. Thus, the first pioneers had to live in forts and defend themselves against the attacks of the natives. The Kentuckian provided several anecdotes about skirmishes with the Indians, of which Clark gives an early spring attack with retaliation (p.72) and the stealing of a skiff and two young flower-picking ladies (p.72-74).

Chapter VII -- The Ohio Near its Mouth

Four miles downriver from Louisville, just below the rapids and safely on a broad table of land above the high water mark, Clark encountered the city of New Albany, Indiana (p.75f). Clark even could see Louisville from the elevated "knob" in New Albany (p.76). Clark marveled at the rapidly increasing population of 6,000. The pioneers were mostly Eastern men of moderate means, ready to make a fortune and in Clark's mind in need of "the influence of the Gospel" (p.76).

Clark had the opportunity to talk with Bishop Kemper at Louisville, who was planning to spend two to three months between June and autumn to see to the needs of the Indiana communities (p.76) --- in fact he was on his way to an ordination in Madison, Indiana. The seven or eight (p.76) Episcopal clergymen in Indiana could use more help (p.77). 

By Tuesday June 27th, 3pm, the steamboat descended from Louisville the Ohio (p.77). The heat made Clark feel exhausted, until sundown; after that, the beautiful Ohio scenery was once again top of Clark's mind, as he "traversed the deck of the boat" (P.77), eliciting praise of the Creator from the author. But the beauty was lost on most of the other passengers and the crew, in Clark's mind.

What must the heart of that man be made of, who can pass through the midst of such displays of divine beauty, and pollute the very atmosphere he passes with profanity! This is what hundreds are daily doing. Almost all the hands on board of the steamboats, down even to the little boys, utter an oath almost every other word. Profane swearing [emphasis in the original, RCK] is one of the crying sins of this western world. (p.77)

And again

Men pass here in thousands, and mindless of all these tokens of a wonder-working Deity, continue to live as though there were no God in the Universe, or as if He existed only to afford a theme for more aggravated profanity. (p.78)

Wednesday, June 28th, 1837 (p.78) the travelers were struck by a tremendous gale (p.79)

Suddenly a tremendous gale struck us ; the waters of the calm Ohio were thrown into the utmost commotion, and the wind came down upon us with a power that threatened to shiver the steamer into a thousand atoms. The heavens gathered blackness, and the whole dark firmament presented a surface every now and then lit up with a sheet of the most vivid fire. The waters ran very high, the wind roared, and the thunder was awful. (p.79)

The captain had the boat drawn up to the shore, where a strong cable fastened it to a tree. The travelers were told that winds such as these had capsized a similar boat merely days before (p.79). As quickly as the gale had arrived, it departed, and the boat was on its way again---an incident that analogized easily (p.79) to the secure harbour of God's presence in life (p.80).

Wednesday evening the boat stopped to take on wood from the Kentucky side, around the area of the native cane break (p.80). At nightfall the steamer passed the Louisiana, which was sinking, having run upon "a reef of rocks", which seemed another lesson to Clark.

Steamboats have been blown up, and fired, and sunk, all around us since we started, and yet the Lord in his boundless mercy has preserved us. (p.80) 

On Thursday, June 29th, 1837, in the morning, the boat was taking in wood at Paducah, at the mouth of the Tennessee. Clark believes the boat had passed the Cumberland river at night (p.80). Witnessing a hunting scene of a large deer through the wilderness forest and into the water (p.81), Clark is reminded of the sinner pursued "by sin, and satan, and passion" (p.82).

By nine o'clock the travelers had sighted the Mississippi, whose muddiness surpassed that of the Ohio. Clark reported that the steamboat crews and the town dwellers drank the water with relish, it being good when filtered, and that is turbid appearance derived from its large portions of magnesia (p.82); however these water qualities were attributable to the Missouri river (p.83), the big Mississippi tributary.

Having discussed swearing before (p.49 and p.55), Clark now turns to the annoyance of river gambling and the professional travelers of gambling it brings with it (p.83).

On our way from Louisville to St. Louis there has been one incessant scene of gambling night and day. We have evidently had three professed gamblers on board. I am told that there are men who do nothing else but pass up and down these waters, to rob in this way every unsuspecting individual, they can induce to play with them, of his money. (p.83)

Clark relates the anecdote of a young merchant from Chilicothe, Ohio, who lost over 600 dollars. Clark also bemoans that physicians and judges participated, who should have been "examples before the people" (p.83). Clark believes that their very presence in hell adds to the punishment that is perdition.

Then Clark turns to the problem of "free and unrestrained use of ardent spirits as drink" (p.84), which is also "fearfully prevalent through every portion of this western region" (p.84).

... on board these western steamboats whiskey is used just as freely as water. All drink. The pilot---the engineer---the fireman---all drink. The whiskey bottle is passed around several times a day, and then the dinner table is loaded with decanters. (p.84)

Clark estimated that two-thirds of the "disasters that occur on board these steamboats, are attributable to this" (p.84). Against doubters that this problem can be resolved, Clark cites the case of a St Louis gentleman, Captain S----, who ran a boat between Galena and St Louis in keeping with avowed principles, docking on the Sabbath and that no drink nor swearing nor card-playing would be permitted. According to Captain S-----, the drinking was the cause for all the swearing and card-playing:

... where there was no intoxicating drink, there was very little disposition to indulge in profanity or gambling. (p.84) 

Captain S---- was in the process, according to Clark, of raising $100,000---and already had $40,000---to operate a steamboat line on the same principles between Pittsburg and New Orleans.

Clark then begins to worry about how little the Sabbath is kept in the west (p.85).

At the principal landing places along the rivers, business appears to go forward on the Sabbath just as upon any other day. ... Goods are carried to and from their ware-houses at noon -day, and their clerks are busy in the counting-room while they [i.e. professors of religion] are at church. Facts of this kind I do not guess at, but know. (p.85)

Clark fears a visitation of the land by God for such transgressions.

By Friday, June 30th, 1837, the steamboat had followed the low and marshy banks to a place with the name of Western Philadelphia, which had been founded in the Fall of 1836 (p.85).

There were some half dozen buildings, and two stores. It is only about nine months since the settlement commenced. Chestnut and Market streets were pointed out to us. Their course was through a flourishing cornfield, the stalks of which were so luxuriant and lofty, that we in vain essayed to reach their tops with our hands. (p.85)

Heading further down, on the Missouri side, Clark saw several shot towers constructed on the bluffs jutting over the river.

These lofty towering bluffs that rise up so perpendicularly, projecting over the river, afford every convenience for forming natural shot towers. We saw several of these lofty cliffs that were thus used. A little box was erected upon the summit of the rock, where the molten lead was poured down through the mould, into a little tub on the shore beneath to receive the shot as they fell. (p.86)

 That day they also passed St. Genevieve, a French village. Though the Mississippi there looked great to Clark, the French village (p.87) did not; like all the "French villages that we had seen on this river, [it] appeared old and dilapidated, and quite destitute of every thing like improvement or enterprise" (p.87).

I could not but contrast these French villages, in the midst of this rich luxuriant land, with their little Roman Catholic chapels, their low narrow houses, and abundant marks of poverty, with the neat, tidy, thriving villages of New England, .... (p.87)

Clark therefore concludes [a veritable Max Weber of the mid-19th century, RCK]:

Such is the difference in their influences between Protestantism and Romanism. (p.87)

Before reaching St Louis, they passed Jefferson barracks,  and another French village, Carondolet.

At length St. Louis rose to view, and we hailed the sight with no ordinary sensations, not only as it was to be our resting place for awhile, but as a point of exceeding interest in this vast western world. (p.87)

Chapter VIII -- The Mississippi and Some of its Tributaries

[Since arriving at the end of Friday June 30th, Clark and his companions must have stayed Saturday (July 1st), Sunday (July 2nd) and Monday (July 3rd) in St Louis. RCK]

In his Tuesday July 4th, 1837, entry, Clark expressed his satisfaction of St. Louis, possibly destined to become the great city of the West (p.88), with its theatre and its Roman cathedral, for which they got a polite tour from one of the priests (Clark and his friends thought the interior decorations gaudy). Clark was concerned about Romanism and was happy to report:

I learned from an intelligent source that Romanism is making little or no progress among Protestants at St. Louis. (p.89) 

Unfortunately, such lack of success seemed to be due to a situation equally vexing for Clark:

They [i.e. the people of St Louis] are equally indifferent to every form of religion. (p.89)

Clark cites the fact that the theatre was finished for 4th-of-July weekend even on a Sunday [i.e. July 2nd, 1837] as an example (p.89). This is not due to lack of churches; all the "usual denominations" have bases on the ground. But the discouragements are "numberless" for the ministers of religion.

Despite of all these heretical preparations, the 4th of July was spent quietly (p.90).

By Wednesday, July 5th, 1837, the party left St Louis at nine o'clock in the morning. Progress was slow, and eighteen miles upriver from St Louis they encountered "one of the most interesting sights in all our journey---the meeting of the waters of the Mississippi and the Missouri" (p.90). Above this confluence was Alton, Illinois (p.91), where they stopped a few hours. Clark was impressed with the population of two thousand and its rapid rise, predicting greatness in its future. [Unfortunately, Clark proved not prescient; in the 2010 census, Alton clocked in at 27,000 souls. RCK]

They passed Marion City and then stopped over an hour at Quincy, to catch the "view of one of the most magnificent prospects that ever stretched before the human eye" (p.91). But Quincy had other treasures than the view, though lack of time prevented Clark from visiting a Dr Nelson, who had written a sterling book, The cause and cure of infidelity.

At this point, travel experience and fatigue combined (p.92)

Our ear had become wearied with the monotony of the sharp, rough sound of the high-pressure engine, that was heard ceaselessly day and night. Books scarcely any longer c
ould interest us. The character and conversation of most of those around us seemed exceedingly dull and common-place. (p.92)

Only an apparently rough hewn character amongst the fellow travelers still had interesting things to say for the travelers, a Kentuckian who had fought Indians with Col Boone (p.92).

When the steamer reached the open prairies in full bloom, pushing up the Misssissippi (p.93), the old Kentuckian stopped by Clark's on the deck to tell the story of the family that perished in the prairie on fire. The story involved a romantic match without proper money (p.94) before going into the details of a move from New England to Kentucky, involving two stout wagons with three yoke of oxen each (p.95), which reached the dry prairies in autumn.  By lighting a pipe the moving family's patriarch sets the prairie ablaze (p.97), the advance party trying to redirect the following ones (p.98) but failing and losing themselves in the fire (p.99), with the father watching his children burn. After drawing them to a safe place and sitting by them as they died (p.100), the father simply sat there (p.101). In the meantime, the other party (p.102) had headed straight into the path of the flames. A conflagration (p.103) devoured them and the oxen, and when the father found his daughter's lover, he learned their end. The father (p.104) remained the sole survivor.

End of Part I -- See Part II for the Continuation

Literature

• Rev. John A. Clark, D.D., Gleanings by the Way, Philadelphia (Simon) -- New York (Carter), 1842.

19th century social trust

Having been struck by the fascinating way, in which social trust for the period of Early Mormonism took the role that legal frameworks and their enforcement take for the current time---promisary notes, borrowing and lending, etc.---I have begun to look into books that discuss these issues for the 1800s to the 1850s.

In the Fachbereichsbibliothek für Geschichtswissenschaften I found

Sunderland, David: Social capital, trust and the industrial revolution  : 1780 - 1880  / David Sunderland . - London [u.a.]  : Routledge , 2007 . - 260 S. . - 0-415-41668-X (hbk.) : £65.00. - (Routledge explorations in economic history ; 34 )

under the signature of CA II 17/34.

Old writing on roads and road construction

Before 1900

• Thomas Hughes, The Practice of Making & Repairing Roads, London 1838.

1837 Travel literature for the Mississippi

In 1837, William Gilmann Lyford wrote a book entitled The western address directory, a travel guide to the main docking places and the merchants residing there, for those perusing the steam boats on the Mississippi river.

Old Histories of Steam Navigation

Up to 1900

• James Burcke (ed), Selected articles from Wilmington, North Carolina newspapers from 1833 through 1843 concerning the building of the Wilmington & Raleigh Rail Road, 1833-1843.
• James Renwick contributed an Essay on the Steam Boats of the United States of America, London, undated (after 1834, before 1863).
• Woodcroft Bennet, A sketch of the origin and progress of steam navigation from authentic documents, London 1848.
• ---, The Ontario and St. Lawrence Steamboat Company's hand-book for travellers to Niagara Falls, Montreal and Quebec, and through Lake Champlain to Saratoga Springs, Buffalo 1858.
• Andrew Murray, Ship Building in Steel and Wood, bundled with Steam Boats, by Robert Murray, both Edinburgh (Black), 1863.
• Edward R. Neill, History of the Minnesota Valley, bundled with History of the Sioux Massacre, by Charles Bryant, Minneapolis 1882.
• James Croil wrote a History of Steam Navigation, published in Montreal in 1898, with an especial focus on the commercial relations of Canada and the United States.

Between 1901 and 1910

• Hiram Martin Chittenden, History of early steamboat navigation on the Missouri River : life and adventures of Joseph La Barge, New York (Francis P Harper), 2 volumes, 1903.
• Volume 1
• Volume 2
• Edwin Bell, Early steamboating on the Minnesota and Red rivers, Minneapolis, 1905.
• Thomas Hughes, History of Steamboating on the Missouri River, 1905.
• Edward White Durant, Lumbering and steamboating on the St. Croix River, Minneapolis, 1905.
• R.A. Fletcher contributed Steam-Ships. The Story of their Development to the Present Day, Philadelphia -- London, 1910; the book was intended as a companion to E. Keble Chatterton, Sailing Ships and their Story, of 1909.
• E. Keble Chatterton preferred to write his own book on the steam ship saga, however: Steam Ships and Their Story, London -- New York -- Toronto -- Sidney (Cassell & Company) 1910.

Between 1911 and 1920

• Phil Edward Chappel, A history of the Missouri River : discovery of the river by the Jesuit explorers; Indian tribes along the river; early navigation and craft used; the rise and fall of steamboating, Kansas City?, 1911?.
• George Byron Merrick, William R. Tibbals, Genesis of Steamboating on Western Rivers, in: Proceedings of the Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1911, p.97-151.
• Frederick Talbot, Steamship Conquest of the World, Philadelphia -- London, 1912.
• Francis Bradler, Some Account of Steam Navigation in New England, Salem MA (Essex Institute) 1920.

After 1920

• Preston A Barba, Steam-boating on the Ohio and Mississippi Before the Civil War, in: Indiana Magazine of History, Vol XI, Number 2, July 1915, pp.99-127.
• Walter E. Blair, A raft pilot's log; a history of the great rafting industry on the upper Mississippi, 1840-1915, Cleveland 1930.
• William John Petersen, Steamboating on the upper Mississippi, the water way to Iowa : some river history, Iowa (Iowa State Historical Society), 1937.
• Charles E. Brown, Old Man River; upper Mississippi river steamboating day's stories, tales of the old time steamboats and steamboatmen, Madison WA, 1940.

E. D. Howing unveiling Mormonism (Part 4)

Howe now wishes to use some of Joseph Smith Jr's revelations to show in his mind how Smith Jr manipulates his followers (p.221), choosing one that is Smith Jr's reply to the contentions of the first Missouri visit, for which the Booth letters had provided the particulars. Howe quotes D&C 58 (p.221-226), and explains (p.226) this indirectly with the fact that the revelations were not available in the 1830s to non-members of the church.

Howe then observes that the finances of his congregation, and esp. those of Martin Harris, were always in focus for the Prophet (p.226). Martin Harris is specifically mentioned in the revelation (v.35) (p.224) as an example for laying his money in front of the Bishop; and such an exemplar (p.226) assisted in getting the other parish members to contribute to the purchase of Zion, in Howe's mind. Howe points out how the position in the top echelon (p.227) translated via revelations to 142 acres of land surrounding the Kirtland Temple for Joseph Smith Jr and his heirs; land worth $550 for Sidney Rigdon; and a plot of land for Cowdery, with the money presumed to come from the congregation.

Howe next cites D&C 89 (p.227-229), which concerns itself with prescriptions about consumables. Howe has no problem with the restriction of the drink, though he questions the abolition (p.229). Howe is less convinced about the tabacco being suited for the cattle, esp. without an indication of the amount. The praise for herbal remedies sounds to Howe too much like Dr F.G. Williams, of Kirtland of all places, (p.230).  Howe agrees with D&C 89 on the types of grains for the various farm animals.

Howe now (p.231) turns to testimony from the environs of Palmyra and upstate New York where the Mormon movement took its beginning. Howe treats this part as if there was a legal battle in court going on, evaluating the witnesses to the veracity of the foundations of the Book of Mormon as if they were witnesses of either party. For Howe (p.232), the contradictions in the stories of the witnesses show that they are unreliable.

The first witnessed statement is that of Peter Ingersoll taken at Palmyra (p.232-237), who tells of the treasure hunting in the family; the golden Bible from Canada as the pattern for the Book of Mormon; how he helped Joseph and Emma Smith move to Manchester; etc. 

The second witnessed statement is that of William Stafford taken at Manchester (p.237-240), also about money digging and about seeing the plates for the Book of Mormon. 

The third witnessed statement is that of Willard Chase taken at Manchester (p.240-248), who describes the chicaneries by which Joseph Smith Jr obtained his seer stone, his wife, help in moving, a box to store the plates in, and sundry other tales of unreliability of the Smith family and Martin Harris. 

The fourth witnessed statement is by Parley Chase taken at Manchester (p.248), who briefly tells of the reputation of the men of the Smith family as ruffians and liars. 

This is followed by several character witness statements, all taken at Palmyra, which state that they consider the previously enumerated statement providers to be men of good character (p.248). 

Then follows the fifth witnessed statement, by David Stafford taken at Manchester (p.249-250), whose testimony includes a scuffle with Joseph Smith Jr (in a context of drunkeness), odd behavior by the father Smith, disgust with Oliver Cowdery and the ruffish nature of William Smith (p.250). 

The sixth witnessed statement is by Barton Stafford, son of David Stafford, taken at Manchester (p.250-251), tells of a drunken Smith Jr incident where Emma had to cover his shirtless body. 

The seventh witnessed statement is by Henry Harris, witnessed in Ohio, (p.251-252), who reports on the bad reputation Joseph Smith Jr had, the tale about the gold plates, and how different revelations asked for different prices (from 14 to 10 shillings) for the Book of Mormon (p.252). 

The next statement is by Abigail Harris taken at Palmyra (p.252-254) who hosted the Smith Seniors and the Harris' and tells of the conversations about the Gold Bible Business in this context, how the Smiths were expecting to make money with the plates but still trying to loan money from Mrs Abigail Harris, for Joseph to come visit them (which in Abigail's mind his seer stone could have told him); and how Mrs Harris was pressuring Mr Martin Harris to turn a profit with the Mormon book. 

The next statement is by Mrs Martin Harris, called Lucy, taken at Palmyra (p.254-257), who describes the marital indignities she suffered from her husband since he became associated with the Smiths and Mormonism, including beating her; and about his apparent affair with a Mrs Haggard. 

The next statement is by Roswell Nichols taken at Manchester (p.257-258), who reports on the low character of the Smith family and their pendant for digging and searching for treasures.

The next statement is by Joshua Stafford taken at Manchester (p.258), who reports on the low socio-economic status and the treasure digging schemes. Stafford loaned a horse to Smith Jr on the collateral of Smith's life, for the purpose of selling fist-sized watches in the east, where he expected to make a bigger profit.

The next statement is by Joseph Capron taken at Manchester (p.258-260), who describes treasure digging and sees the Smith's as interested in making money without work (p.260), were harassed by creditors, and started the Golden plate Bible as a book to improve the status of their family above the average enjoyed by mankind. 

The next statement is by G.W. Stodard taken at Palmyra (p.260-261), who knew Martin Harris for a long time, who he describes as industrious a farmer with a worth of 8,000 to 10,000 dollars, who was personally peevish and quarrelsome with neighbors and family. As Stodard put it

Yet he [i.e. Martin Harris] was a public professor of some religion. He was first an orthadox Quaker, then a Universalist, next a Restorationer, then a Baptist, next a Presbyterian, and then a Mormon. (p.261)

The next statement by Richard Ford (possibly also from Palmyra)  merely concurs with Stodard's (p.261).
The next statement is a description (p.261-262) of the Smith family and Harris, signed by 51(!) of their neighbors from Palmyra (p.261), which describes the vicious and treasure hunting character of the Smiths and the discrepancy between Harris' trustworthiness as a business man and as a man interested in religion.
The next statement is a description (p.262) of the Smith family, signed by 11 of their neighbors from Manchester, which remembers the Smiths as lazy and intemperate and expressively consider themselves happy to be rid of them.
The next statement by Isaac Hale, Emma's father and Joseph Smith Jr's father-in-law, taken at Harmony (p.262-266) describes Hale's disappointment with his daughter's choice and the way that Joseph Smith Jr failed to switch from treasure hunting to working hard for supporting his family, but did plate translations instead.
The next statement by Elder Nathaniel J. Lewis, of unreported location, (p.266-267) describes the deceitful way in which Smith Jr promised to show the plates and then would not, leading to a generally low assessment of his veracity.
The list of statements concludes with a summarized statement of members of the M'Kune family, the Lewis family, and Smith Jr's brother-in-law Alva Hale (p.267-269), of the same location as Elder Lewis' statement (p.267), most likely Harmony. Joshua M'Kune attests to Smith Jr's claim to finding of the plates, and the hope of having them translated by his boy at 3; unfortunately (p.268) the boy died in his infancy.  Hezekiah M'Kune reports that Smith Jr considered himself the greatest prophet ever. Alva Hale reports the vacillation of Smith Jr between using peep stones and giving it up, as well as between showing the plates or not doing so. Levi Lewis reports that Harris and Smith Jr felt adultery to be permissible and that Smith Jr had attempted to seduce Eliza Winters; also that Smith Jr compared himself to Christ. Sarah Lewis reports that Smith Jr expected his first-born son to translate the plates, but that the child was a deformed still-birth (p.269).

Howe now turns to the problem of the engravings of "Reformed Egyptian" on the found plates (p.269), a claim that was supposedly corroborated by Professor Anthon of New York. Howe (p.270) decided to call in this claim and obtain a written statement from Professor Anthon. In his reply, Anthon sketches the decypherment process (p.270-271), but focuses on the spectacles rather than the help of God as the mode of interpretation. The farmer [presumably Martin Harris, RCK] who brought the copied graphs to Professor Anthon was literally in the process of betting the farm on the publication of these graphs (p.271). Professor Anthon warned him about this being a scheme to swindle the farmer of his money, but refused to give any assessment of the characters in writing. 

Professor Anthon described the paper in question as follows

This paper was in fact a singular scrawl. It consisted of all kinds of crooked characters disposed in columns, and had evidently been prepared by some person who had before him at the time a book containing various alphabets. Greek and Hebrew letters, crosses and flourishes, Roman letters inverted or placed sideways, were arranged in perpendicular col- [p.271] | umns, and the whole ended in a rude delineation of a circle divided into various compartments, decked with various strange marks, and evidently copied after the Mexican Calender given by Humboldt, but copied in such a way as not to betray the source whence it was derived. (p.271f)

Anthon had given that description and discussed the appearance numerous times in the past with friends, before Howe had contacted him (p.272), and saw no Egyptian Hieroglyphics. 

Anthon also claims to have received a second visit from the farmer, apparently having brought the book along in a box, but was not interested in buying it though interested in looking upon it (p.272). This did not take place however.

Howe then cites a letter from William Phelps (p.273), an eminent person among the early Mormons, whose reconstruction of early Mormon events Howe had solicited and whose reply indicate the important role that Professor Anthon's testimony held among the Mormons. 

When the plates were said to have been found, a copy of one or two lines of the characters, were taken by Mr. Harris to Utica, Albany and New York; at New York, they were shown to Dr. Mitchell, and he referred to professor Anthon who translated and declared them to be the ancient shorthand Egyptian.  (p.273)

Phelps makes much of the lack of "common learning" (p.273) in both Joseph Smith Jr and his family.

Howe then contextualizes Phelps as someone who as a politician and newspaper editor aspired to the role of Lieutenant Governor of New York, but failing that set his marks on the Gold Bible affaire. However, Joseph Smith Jr suffered no rivals and had a revelation, in Howe's reconstruction, to push Phelps back to his place in the hierarchy (p.274). Phelps then (p.275) became a printer for the Mormons in Missouri, but was reduced to farmer when the printing business moved back to Kirtland, Ohio and came under Oliver Cowdery's supervision. Howe notes that the dating of the letter must be disingenuous, due to the delays of transportation, and sees that as a fitting footnote to the man's character (among various business and debt stories).

Howe returns to the issue of the finding and the hiding of the plates and the contradictory narratives that circulate about these events even within the Smith family (p.276). Howe then turns to the court sworn testimony of former Mormonite Lemon Copley, who relates the anecdote about Smith Jr meeting an old man in the woods, who wants five cents to see a monkey, which then turns out to be the prophet Moroni who wanted to give Smith Jr the plates again (p.277).

Howe now turns to his own theory, that the Book of Mormon is based to a significant degree on the work of Solomon Spalding of Conneaut, Ohio (p.278), and he brings witnesses for that purposes. First Howe cites Spalding's brother John Spalding, of Crawford Co, Pennsylvania, who claims that Solomon Spalding was ordained minister after studying at Dartmouth College. After several failed ventures Solomon retired to Ohio and wrote a romance about a lost manuscript concerning the first Americans being the lost tribes of Israel, who were led to the Americas by Nephi and Lehi, who split upon quarreling into the Nephites and the Lamanites. John claims to have recently reviewed the Book of Mormon (p.279f) and being struck by the similarity. Similar testimony is provided by John's wife Martha Spalding (p.280f).

Lest someone find it odd that there are so many testimonies, Howe points to the fact that Spalding's vanity with regards to his writings led him to constantly share them with his friends and neighbors (p.281). Howe then provides the testimony of business parter of Spalding, Henry Lake (p.281f) and their former employee John N. Miller (p.282f); the neighbors in Conneaut, Aaron Wright (p.284), Oliver Smith (p.284f) and Nahum Howard (p.285f); or the statement of Artemas Cunningham (p.286f).

[Note, from the contents of the neighbors' statements from Conneaut, Spalding did not only read the book to his friends, but also to his creditors--which were sometimes the same folks--in order to get reprieve from them until the book was published. RCK]

Howe now turns to the question of what happened to the manuscript and tells of getting in contact with the widow of Spalding, who had since remarried; she informed him that the manuscript was now gone but had been submitted to the printers Patterson & Lambdin in Pittsburgh (p.287). The only remaining document is a romance translated from the Latin from scrolls found at Conneaut Creek, but claimed by the witnesses not to correspond with the Manuscript Found they knew (p.288).

Howe now takes his inquiries to the printing office of Patterson & Lambdin, and these suggest that Sidney Rigdon was friendly with Lambdin (who was then running the day to day business) and residing in Pittsburgh around 1823 or 1824 (p.289). Howe puts Lambdin and Rigdon at the center of the original plot to publish the book, embellished by three years of Bible study on Rigdon's part, to save the failed publishing venture; that Lambdin's death left the manuscript in Rigdon's hands (p.290); and that Rigdon somehow got a hold of Joseph Smith Jr to publish the matter---Howe has no suggestion as to how---but points to the prepared community of Rigdon in Ohio and the rapid conversion of Rigdon upon receiving the book from Cowdery and Rigdon's rise to a key position within the Mormon hierarchy as substituting sufficiently for this missing link (p.290).

End of Part 4

Reference

• E. D. Howe, Mormonism Unveiled, 1834.